Recent Posts

  • Paying the locusts – what the PSI means for Greek bond investors

    Topics
    debt, Eurozone

    Posted February 21st, 2012

    Early this morning it appears that at last Greece and the European authorities are at the final stages of  launching a bond swap with the private sector – known as the private sector involvement (PSI) procedure – which will aim to reduce Greece’s debt-to-GDP ratio to 120.5 percent by 2020 (currently 160 percent). The deal will receive blanket press coverage, we are going to focus on the PSI element.

    The PSI ensures that the private sector will suffer a real loss while the public sector (national European central banks and the ECB) will not suffer any losses. Central banks have this privileged position as they are prepared to provide further finance to Greece (akin to a rescue rights issue diluting existing shareholders). Of course, it is not in the politicians’ interests for the central banks to bear any losses as a result of lending to Greece and of course it is the politicians that set the legal and regulatory framework. Not only can politicians change the goal posts, they can change the ball you are playing with. Politicians, and the authorities, are exercising their imbedded power.

    This deal will cause the private sector to suffer a disproportionate level of losses both in absolute and relative terms to the public sector. This punishes the private sector investor in Greek debt relative to the private speculator who was short Greek debt. We noted in an earlier blog that governments perceived owners of their debt to be good investors, whilst investors holding short positions in government debt are evil speculators.

    The problem with the PSI procedure is that it does not reward these economic agents accordingly. This PSI precedent means that in the future, should a government debt crisis occur, private investors will be less willing to support troubled government debt, and speculators will be rewarded for being short. Obviously this will impact the sustainability of government finances at precisely the time they would be seeking to generate confidence in their ability to service their debt obligations.

    What does this PSI look like in pounds, shillings, and euro cents? Those investors that are short Greek debt will make money, the legal power of the state means the authorities suffer no damage, while the private sector will suffer losses. The locusts will feed well, the authorities will not eat less, and the private investor will waste away.

  • 4 Housing Markets, One Country

    Topics
    interest rates, UK

    Posted February 16th, 2012

    The Eurozone has become a very extreme example of the dangers inherent of creating a single currency area populated with a myriad of different countries and regions. There is little doubt that the right monetary policy for Germany is not necessarily the correct one for Portugal given the underlying structural differences and lack of fiscal coordination.

    However, closer to home, there could be an argument that the same (albeit in a less extreme form) is true of the UK. Looking through the prism of the UK housing market over the past 30 years, it’s possible to argue that there are 4 distinct regional markets within the UK. The UK is not an optimal currency area.

    Using historical regional data from the Halifax house price index (see the chart below), there have been some very large and identifiable variations between different regions within the UK. Prices within Greater London have fared the best over the period, showing a strong bounce back from recent lows. Northern Ireland has suffered from an extreme boom and bust whereas the Scottish market has been the relative underperformer over the same period. In contrast, the other regions of the UK have, by and large, moved in lock step with each other.

    Given the fact that Bank Rate is the same in Chelsea & Kensington as it is in Dundee, the potential to exacerbate structural imbalances between regions due to a common monetary policy is clear to see. Indeed there is a sense that as central London market prices rise to new highs in absolute and relative terms, we are witnessing a new liquidity fuelled bubble divorced from the economic fundamentals of the rest of the UK.

    However, there are mitigating factors: existing within a single sovereign political entity, fiscal transfers and labour force mobility should all help redress these imbalances over time. The fact the London and the South East contribute a greater proportion in tax revenue is a case in point. However, due to the foibles of negative equity, labour mobility has been greatly constrained in recent years. Differences in regional unemployment bear witness to this fact. For example, the latest ONS data states that the unemployment rate in the North East is 12.0% compared to 6.4% in the South East.

    Are we therefore condemned to a future of further economic stresses and strains within the UK? Maybe not. If the Scottish do eventually decide to leave the United Kingdom with their own central bank and currency, maybe the Northern Irish and Londoners should be given the same option too?

  • Headlines

    Topics
    AAA rated, gilts

    Posted February 15th, 2012

    The big credit headline this week in the sterling bond world is that the UK gilt market has been put under review by one of the top three rating agencies Moody’s, for a downgrade from AAA to AA+. As bond investors in gilts and not politicians who love making sound bites, what does it really mean for the credit worthiness of gilts?

    According to Moody’s European issuer-weighted default rate data since 1985, the probability of a AA rated default over the next 10 years versus that of a AAA is 0.55%  vs 0.04% (Moody’s only publish data for ratings bands, but a AA+ default probability would be even lower). So hardly a big change despite the headline. This is due to the logarithmic nature of rating scales. At the top end the agencies try to fine tune to create a difference between strong sound investment grade credits, but that is harder to do at the bottom of the scale, as by definition the riskier speculative grade credits have less control over their potential default.

    Given only one of the three main rating agencies has taken this negative view on the UK, if we weight their views appropriately then using the increase in default probability from Moody’s and reducing it by two thirds to take account of an average rating from the three agencies, the increase in probability of default would be just 0.17%. This obviously assumes that the rating downgrade occurs and we have used the more aggressive default rate data embedded in a AA category, rather than the AA+ it would go to.

    So headline news, but the risk of default on gilts would remain to all intents and purposes unchanged. The most interesting part of the rating actions from Monday is not UK centric, but euro zone centric, where downgrades for example of that of Spain from A1 to A3 do result in a more noticeable increase in the probability of default using rating agency methodology.

  • ♥Mexico♥ – a rare ‘EM’ country that we love

    Topics
    currency, economic factors

    Posted February 14th, 2012

    I’ve always had a problem with the standard narrative that you hear about emerging markets (EM). Investors are constantly hearing, or telling, stories about how you must have exposure to EM because these countries have much stronger growth rates and prospects than the developed world, how EM countries have far superior demographics, or how EM countries have much lower public/debt to GDP ratios. An example I like to provide that exposes these myths is to consider a country that has grown 6.2% per annum for 10 years, has decent demographics, has a public/debt GDP ratio of less than 40%, and just to cap it all off has a world class education system and strong political institutions. That country is Ireland in 2007. As the Irish example shows, there are many more important things to look at, not least real credit/GDP growth rates and rapidly rising real estate prices (the two are obviously connected).

    The reality is that emerging markets always have been, still are, and will most likely continue to be all about global capital flows. Global capital flows are themselves very cyclical, so when the global growth outlook is improving you find that capital flows from developed markets (DM) to the juicier yields in EM, and EM therefore typically outperforms. When the global growth outlook is deteriorating, capital tends to flow back from emerging markets to developed markets. Hence the comment on this blog in July last year that the market was priced as if EM was a safe haven from developed market woes, and the market was therefore smoking crack.

    The EM countries that are particularly exposed to these global capital flows are the ones running large current account deficits, since by definition countries running current account deficits are reliant on capital inflows from abroad to fund themselves.  A ‘sudden stop’ or reversal in these capital flows leaves these countries very vulnerable. We saw this dynamic play out in a big way in 2008, and saw it again last year when DM equities outperformed EM equities despite all the problems being in the Eurozone.  Unsurprisingly,  the countries that saw their currencies get hit the hardest in 2011 were generally those EM countries running large current account deficits – the South African Rand fell 10.5% against the euro, while the Turkish Lira fell 8.6%, the Polish Zloty 6.7% and the Indian Rupee 4.7%.

    Another currency that fell quite sharply last year was the Mexican Peso, which tumbled more than 5% against the euro and by more than 8% against the US dollar.  This wasn’t due to Mexico running a large current account deficit (it’s running a small 0.5% deficit).  In fact the Mexican Peso was hammered in 2007-08 too, falling 12% against the Euro and 7% against the US dollar.  Ongoing peso weakness in 2009 was partly Swine Flu related, and the peso’s high beta characteristics probably owe something to it being one of the most liquid EM markets, but whatever the reason the Mexican peso is looking very cheap to us. And it’s not just the currency that looks attractive – in a world of negative real yields, Mexican real yields stand out as being huge (Mexican core inflation is 3.3%yoy, 10 year nominal Mexican local currency bonds, or Mbonos, yield over 6%). These high real yields aren’t because of any concerns regarding credit risk, since Mexico is one of the best quality EM debt issuers – Mexico is actually also considered a developed market, having been admitted to the widely followed Citigroup World Government Bond Index in October 2010. We like Mexico, and were buyers of Mexican local currency bonds earlier this year.

    These positive views about Mexico were reinforced recently following a highly informative week in Mexico City, kindly set up by HSBC, where I met key members of the government and central bank to gain a better understanding on economic issues, and where I spoke to pollsters and political analysts to get a handle on Mexican politics ahead of the elections in July this year. Below are the main takeaways.

    Firstly politics. Financial markets have a tendency to become very excitable around elections, and this occurs not just in EM countries but in developed markets too.  Almost always this volatility (which is normally volatility of the bad kind) turns out to be unjustified. To cite a couple of examples, consider how Peruvian asset prices sold off sharply last year when left wing candidate Ollanta Humala was voted in, but asset prices then recovered rapidly when markets realised he wasn’t Chavez. And consider the UK in 2010, when asset prices wobbled on political instability fears as it became increasingly likely the UK would have a rare coalition government, but how the UK is now seen (rightly or wrongly) as one of the world’s few ‘safe havens’.

    The last general election in Mexico in 2006 was another example of this unjustified volatility. The election saw a near dead heat with the centre right PAN candidate Felipe Calderon defeating the left wing PRD candidate Andrés Manuel López Obrador by fewer than 250 thousand votes, or 0.56% of the vote. As uncertainty escalated in the run-up to the election from February to June 2006, the Mexican peso was the sixth weakest currency in the world and Mexican government bonds performed poorly.  After the election result was announced,  López Obrador, the PRD candidate, reacted by claiming electoral fraud and instigated massive marches in Mexico City, a city in which he was very popular following a successful stint holding a position akin to mayor. After losing in his attempt to get the result overturned, he and his supporters embarked on an ultimately unsuccessful two month blockade of one of the main roads in the heart of Mexico City.

    The situation today is very different. The PRD’s López Obrador is running for President again, but despite having a fiercely loyal group of supporters, his behaviour following the 2006 election has cost him significant political capital and he is languishing in third place in the polls. In second place in the polls is Josefina Vázquez Mota, the ruling party PAN’s recently nominated candidate, who is the first female candidate from one of the main parties. But Vázquez Mota too has significant ground to make up on the clear front runner, the chisel jawed Enrique Peña Nieto, who has about 50% of the vote in the polls and is candidate for PRI, the party that held power for over 70 years prior to PAN’s victory in the 2000 election.

    Given recent events, though, Peña  Nieto is more than capable of blowing his lead. The strength of his vote among women (who at rallies chant what can loosely be translated as “my chocolate, I want you for my mattress”) was recently called into question after Peña Nieto disclosed that he has had two children during extramarital affairs when married to his now deceased first wife (he has remarried a Mexican soap star, which cynics see as a bit of a publicity stunt). He has recently been accused of being sexist – when asked about the price of tortillas in December he got the answer completely wrong and replied ‘I am not a housewife’. And to add to his gaff prone image, at a recent international book fair where he was promoting his own (ghost written) book, in response to a question on which three books had influenced him, he floundered for a number of minutes before saying the Bible and then mixed up the authors and titles of other books. But even in the unlikely event of Peña Nieto losing his lead before polling day, it’s difficult to see that markets will be ruffled by Vázquez Mota keeping PAN in power – in fact it may even be seen as a good thing.

    The strength of the Mexican economy is more obvious than that of its politics. The weakness of the Mexican peso has been a boon to Mexican industry, and auto manufacturers such as Nissan, Mazda, Toyota, GM and Chrysler have been investing heavily in the country. Interestingly ( and this tells you as much about Chinese headwinds as Mexican tailwinds), Mexico is seeing a reversal of what happened in 2001, when companies up and left to go to China. In 2001, Mexican wages were 250% higher than Chinese wages so it made a lot of sense to shift production to Asia, but by 2007 the gap had fallen to 40% and now the difference is only around 10-15%. Today it is much more economical to manufacture in Mexico and export to the US, where 78% of all Mexican exports end up, than to export to the US from China (as an aside, this trend of moving production away from China will have interesting dynamics on shipping rates, or given the recent collapse in rates perhaps it already is having an effect).

    The Bank of Mexico (or ‘Banxico’), headed by the highly respected Agustín Carstens, forecasts that the Mexican economy will grow a robust 3-4% this year, and although the recent drought is causing a temporary uptick in headline inflation, core inflation stands close to a record low.  Credit growth is not too hot, and is coming from low levels of penetration.  The economy is in strong fiscal shape thanks to reforms in recent years such as the 2006 Budget and Fiscal Responsibility Law and 2007 Integral Fiscal Reform, and last year’s budget deficit of 2.5% is likely to slightly improve in 2012.  Central government debt remains very manageable.

    Mexico has also succeeded in greatly reducing its reliance on foreign currency denominated debt (ie external debt) by maintaining its policy of issuing 80% of its debt in local currency and the remainder in foreign currency.  A side effect of this policy has been foreign ownership of the local currency bond market dramatically increasing to about 44%, although Mexico’s recent inclusion in the Citigroup World Government Bond Index means that unlike in a number of other EM countries, ownership is spread across a diverse number of investors rather than dangerously concentrated in a small handful of large global bond investors.  All of these supportive factors made the central bank’s tirade against the rating agencies that I heard understandable – they had a point when they argued that the agencies’ methodologies are flawed, unfairly penalising not just Mexico but a number of EM countries versus a number of better rated but far less solvent developed countries.  Indeed, judging by the default risk implied by the credit derivatives market, the market has long agreed.

    Despite the Mexican economy’s obvious strengths though, many investors remain deeply frustrated that the economy hasn’t performed considerably better given the country’s oil windfall.  In 1971, a Mexican fisherman named Rudesindo Cantarell complained to Mexico’s state owned oil company Pemex over what he thought was an oil spill that was ruining his fishing nets.  Pemex asked Cantarell to show them where this had occurred and it was confirmed in 1976 that the fisherman had found an oil seep from what is one of the biggest oil fields ever discovered (the field’s structure is actually a result of the asteroid impact in the Gulf of Mexico that is believed to have wiped out the dinosaurs 65 million years ago).   At its peak production in 2004, the Cantarell oil field produced 2.1 million barrels per day, which at the time made it the second most productive field in the world after Saudi Arabia’s ginormous Ghawar field.  In 2010 Mexico was still the seventh biggest producer of crude oil, ahead of Norway, the UK, Venezuela (which has the world’s largest proven oil reserves), Iraq and Brazil.  About 35% of Mexican government revenues are from the oil industry.

    The worry is that Mexico won’t be able to rely on the oil windfall to anything like the same extent in future.  Production in Cantarell has declined exceptionally rapidly, falling to just 400 thousand barrels per day in November last year.  Mexico could become a net oil importer by the end of the decade, which is ridiculous given the large reserves that Mexico still has.  Mexico isn’t just blessed with oil reserves either – it is estimated to have the fourth biggest reserves of shale gas in the world that has barely been tapped at all, and the sad reality is that Mexico’s inefficient state monopolies are unable to take advantage of this (despite its gas reserves Mexico is importing gas from the US).

    This is where Mexican politics meets economics.  Reform has long been slow and it’s becoming urgent.  Reform is most obviously needed in the energy sector (the General Director of the Mexican auto industry specifically cited power as a region where Mexico is not at all competitive) but there is little prospect of anything changing soon because Mexico’s constitution states that all oil and gas belongs to the Mexican state, which is a belief that has been hard wired into the Mexican psyche (Pemex was created in 1938 following the expropriation of foreign owned oil assets).  Inefficiencies are not limited to energy either – whole swathes of Mexican industry, ranging from telecoms to media, are dominated by rent seeking behaviour where the powerful have no incentive to introduce competition and change the status quo.  Reforms require a two thirds majority in congress, which has been historically difficult to achieve and worryingly the front running PRI party have been keen to veto proposed reforms in recent years.

    Finally, drugs.  As widely publicised, parts of Mexico have become dangerous with the areas bordering the US essentially lawless.  The Mexican State of Chihuahua and its largest city Juarez were described by government security staff as being ‘worse than Iraq’.  Violence has fallen slightly since the peak in mid 2010, but it’s difficult to argue that the crackdown has been a huge success (although 80% of the population approves of the government’s policies).  Longer term, Mexico probably faces two choices – legalise drugs, or go the route of Colombia and seek involvement from the US military (the second option is far more likely to happen).  In terms of the bigger picture, it’s very difficult to see how the drug problem in Central America can be eliminated.  It’s like squeezing a balloon – Mexico’s drug clampdown has simply resulted in a big escalation of violence in countries where there are fewer resources to throw at the problem such as in Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador and the Dominican Republic.  Drug cartels are merely trying to meet the big demand that continues unabated from the US, and where there’s demand, there’s supply.

    It’s worth putting the drug war in Mexico into perspective though.  Mexico still has a lower homicide rate than Brazil at around 20 homicides per 100 thousand, and murders are much lower than in a country such as Jamaica that has a homicide rate above 50 per 100 thousand.  Furthermore, while the government estimates that areas with major drug issues see economic growth about 2% below safe regions, it’s not apparent that there has been much effect on the Mexican economy as a whole (although given the government is spending 1.5% of GDP trying to combat the problem there is surely some impact).  So while security is clearly an important issue for the population, it shouldn’t be a major influence on the decision whether or not to invest in Mexico.

    Overall, the high yields on offer in Mexico more than justify the risks in my opinion, with the caveat as mentioned at the beginning that Mexican assets are subject to global capital flows like any other EM asset.  On this point, though, it’s interesting to note that Brazil’s changing IOF tax policies on bond holdings is encouraging all those yield chasing ‘Mrs Watanabes’ in Japan to look at Mexico as a carry trade alternative to Brazil in the region.  If Japanese investor interest results in even half the Japanese capital flows that have gone into Brazil in recent years then this would be a major boost to not just future Mexican borrowing costs but to the Mexican Peso too.

  • Bond Vigilantes book – make a donation to support Cancer Research

    Topics
    Charity

    Posted February 9th, 2012

    To celebrate the 5th anniversary of the Bond Vigilantes blog, we’ve put together a book of 100 of our articles.  From the first signs of weakness in the US housing market through to the disaster of the European Financial Stability Facility, this is an honest record of what the team have been thinking through the most turbulent period in financial markets since the Great Depression.  You can also find out about Monster Munch price inflation, and cringe at Richard Woolnough’s terrible punning blog titles  (“Icelandic geysers say No”).

    M&G has paid for all printing costs, so that all proceeds go straight to Cancer Research UK.  The amount you donate is entirely voluntary – we suggest £10, but for our investment bank contacts, the sky is the limit really.  There’s also a free e-book version available for you.

    Click here to get hold of a copy of the Bond Vigilantes book.  There’s also a quick video below talking about the blog’s anniversary.  Thanks very much for your support and comments over the past few years – we’ve enjoyed writing it, and we’ve learnt a lot from it – not least that I must never, ever, ever, write about Scottish Independence again.


  • Competitiveness confusion reigns supreme

    Topics
    economic factors, Europe

    Posted February 8th, 2012

    Many question how the heavily indebted European nations will get out of the mess they are in. Absent a break-up of the single currency unit, most economists point to a significant reduction in unit labour costs (through a reduction in nominal wages) as the answer. In fact, Nicolas Sarkozy has stated that France has to bring down labour costs to improve its competitiveness like Germany did a decade ago.  The question we are asking ourselves is if this so-called “internal devaluation” is the answer?

    Competitiveness is a buzz word that gets thrown around a lot. But what is it exactly? The most widely used measure of competitiveness is unit labour costs (ULCs), the ratio of nominal wage growth to labour productivity. It is important to economists because they will deem an economy to be more competitive the lower the ULC is. This would suggest that an economy is more competitive the lower the share of the labour force’s contribution to GDP. Thus, in order to close the “competitiveness gap” that exists between unproductive countries (like Greece) and productive countries (like Germany), countries need to implement policies that will result in downward adjustments in relative wages.

    In extremis, this means that the most competitive economy would have a labour share of GDP of zero (because wages are zero), and a capital share of GDP of 100%. Does this make sense? No.  Reducing the income generated by labour by reducing nominal wages will be a drag on economic growth, and several economists have investigated the impact that ULCs have on an economy. Kaldor’s paradox, put forward by Nicholas Kaldor in 1978, showed that the fastest growing economies in the post-war period also experienced faster growth in ULCs, and vice versa. This suggests that a higher labour share will not necessarily lead to a less competitive economy. The argument that many have been spouting that lower ULCs will lead to higher economic growth is a highly simplistic view, and may not reflect reality. Remember, those economies with the fastest growth rates in the 2000s, like Ireland and Spain, actually had the fastest rising ULCs over the same time period.

    An increase in labour’s share of income can have a number of effects. Firstly, it has been shown that the propensity to consume out of wages is higher than that of profits, so if you really want to get an economy going, the trick is to increase the amount of money that gets into people’s pockets. And that is exactly what the central banks are trying to do, by flooding the financial system with cash.  Of course, there is another way to reduce ULCs to become more competitive and that is to increase productivity, which means working more efficiently for the same amount of pay. If ULCs fall due to productivity gains, the benefits will largely accrue to the business owner and not the worker.

    However, workers are getting poorer as shown by the below chart. It is very difficult to stimulate consumption when real wage growth is negative, as it has been for the last four years in the largest European nations. £100 in 2000 is now worth £68 in real terms, and €100 in 2000 is now worth €78 in Germany, €59 in Spain, €74 in France, and €67 in Italy (all in real terms). For the last four years wage increases across Europe and the UK have not kept up with the pace of inflation.

    Secondly, if nominal wages are rising then prices for goods will also rise, though they will become less competitive in international markets. This will have a negative effect on growth. Would workers in countries like Spain, where unemployment is currently 22.9% and inflation is 2.4%, accept a reduction in nominal wages to maintain their firms’ competitiveness and therefore keep their jobs? The point is, the overall result on GDP of a redistribution of income towards workers is ambiguous and depends on which of the two effects dominates.

    Let’s have a look at a shift in the distribution of income towards capital. Initially, an economy will probably experience an increase in investment causing GDP to increase. However, sooner or later prices will fall because of excess capacity caused by both an increase in investment and fall in consumption. Capacity utilisation will have to fall, followed by a reduction in investment, a decline in income will follow, and then a fall in production and employment.

    The major challenge facing Europe is a lack of demand. This is an underconsumption crisis. Reducing ULCs will not solve this underconsumption crisis through either nominal wage falls or productivity gains. If a worker wakes up tomorrow and can do the job of two people, then the business owner could sack the second person to keep costs down and improve profitability. In this example, productivity gains will lead to rising unemployment and a further deterioration in government finances through reduced taxes and higher transfer payments.

    It is true that the growth rate of an economy will depend on the growth rate of exports, but the problem is the growth rate of exports depends upon world demand and how competitive those exports are in the international marketplace. We doubt an internal devaluation is the answer to Europe’s problems. To say that a reduction in ULCs will result in a rebound in growth numbers is wrong. You have to be producing stuff that people want to buy. Or you need your currency to devalue by enough to make your goods relatively cheap. This isn’t going to happen in Europe, where the euro has been remarkably strong given the sovereign crisis. The growth answer lies in getting credit flowing through the economy again, and central banks recognise that. It is important to realise that sometimes the obvious solution – like “we need to be more competitive” – is not always the right solution.

  • The ECB’s bazooka has hit the target

    Topics
    Eurozone, gilts

    Posted January 24th, 2012

    The ECB finally realised it had no choice and fired its bazooka in December.  The impact has been huge.  Two year Italian government bond yields have more than halved from the high of 7.5% seen at the end of November. Many hedge funds who were betting on Italian government bonds selling off have either changed views and taken profits or have been stopped out of their positions as the market has gone against them.  Real money investors have been returning to the Eurozone sovereign bond market after a long absence.  Just as Italian bank bond yields spiralled upwards with the Italian sovereign, so they have plummeted down too, and banks have been able to issue bonds to the market again this year (albeit almost solely covered bonds or senior bonds so far).   The chart below highlights just how much Italy’s borrowing costs have fallen.

    Those who doubt the sustainability of the ECB’s policies are entirely correct when they argue that  hurling liquidity at the Eurozone debt crisis does nothing to solve the structural problems at the heart of the Eurozone.  If you put lipstick on a zombie sovereign or zombie bank, it’s still a zombie.  The potentially terminal problems of huge competitiveness divergence between countries (ie current account imbalances) are still to be resolved. One answer is total fiscal union, which requires Northern Europe to take on Southern Europe’s debts and Southern Europe to let Northern Europe tell it what to do (exceptionally unlikely).  Alternatively, it  requires Germany and the Netherlands to be willing to run consistently higher inflation rates than the rest of Europe (also unlikely). As Milton Friedman succinctly pointed out in 1999 (see Q&A session), “the various countries in the euro are not a natural currency trading group. They are not a currency area. There is very little mobility of people among the countries. They have extensive controls and regulations and rules, and so they need some kind of an adjustment mechanism to adjust to asynchronous shocks—and the floating exchange rate gave them one. They have no mechanism now”.

    But just because the ECB’s policy response hasn’t addressed the underlying problems, it doesn’t mean the response is immaterial.  Quite the opposite.  We know from 2009 how powerful the effect on markets can be when central banks fully deploy their balance sheets.  In light of this, the rally in the riskier fixed income assets that we’ve seen of late arguably has further to go, and in the past few weeks I’ve even bought Italian government bonds for the first time ever.

    The flip side is that the current yield levels of core government bonds is a concern, and duration appears less attractive.   In May last year, government bond yields were more than 1% higher than they are today and yield curves were much steeper.  It was expensive to be short duration at the time, as argued here.  The situation has changed a bit since then,  presumably because of Eurozone stress and perhaps also because of China.  If Europe is no longer in a downward spiral (indeed the crucial Eurozone PMI data released this morning suggests there has been a bounce in economic activity in January) then government bonds really do look vulnerable.

  • Three handles

    Topics
    gilts

    Posted January 23rd, 2012

    Last week conventional gilts of all maturities briefly traded – but failed to close – below the 3% level. The continuation of the gilt bull market has now reached an important psychological level, with the ascendant bulls seeing a 3% yield as a barrier to be overcome before the yield continues to grind lower, while the gilt bears are hoping that the 3% yield barrier (the 3 percent handle) will not be breached. We discussed this change of big figure yield (change of handle) in a previous blog where the four handle was lost. Sadly the Two Ronnies didn’t write a 3 handle sketch, but if they had we imagine a 21st century version could have gone something like the below.

    In a hardware shop. Ronnie Corbett is behind the counter, wearing a warehouse jacket. He has just finished serving a customer.

    CORBETT <muttering>: There you are. Mind how you go.
    (Ronnie Barker enters the shop, wearing a scruffy tank-top and beanie)
    BARKER: Three Candles!
    CORBETT: Three Candles?
    BARKER: Three Candles.
    (Ronnie Corbett makes for a box, and gets out three candles. He places them on the counter)
    BARKER: No, three candles!
    CORBETT <confused>: Well there you are, three candles!
    BARKER: No, three kindles! kindles for reading!
    (Ronnie Corbett puts the candles away, and goes to get 3 kindles. He places it onto the counter)

    CORBETT <muttering>: Candles. Thought you said “three candles!’ (more clearly) Next?
    BARKER: Got any pods?
    CORBETT: Pods. What kind of pods? iPods, pea pods?
    BARKER: iPods,
    CORBETT: How many?
    BARKER: Three
    CORBETT: black, red, green, purple, pink, orange, rainbow, mauve, tangerine, white
    BARKER: White
    CORBETT: White iPods
    BARKER: 3 iPods white
    (Ronnie Corbett gets out a box’s of iPods, and places them on the counter)
    CORBETT (pulling out three different sized iPods): What size?
    BARKER <looks puzzled>
    CORBETT: What size 16gb, 32gb, 64gb? what size?
    BARKER: Six foot six
    CORBETT; Six foot six!
    BARKER: High pods for working in, high white pods

    CORBETT <muttering>: It’s pre-fabricated high workstation pods, we call them, in the trade. Work pods!
    (He puts the box away, struggles with three huge boxes, and places them on the counter , then puts the iPod box away)
    BARKER: Pads
    CORBETT: You’re ‘avin’ me on, ain’t ya, yer ‘avin’ me on?
    BARKER: I’m not!
    CORBETT iPads , you mean iPads
    BARKER:  Pads
    CORBETT <getting really fed up>: Padded soft eye pads, or skinny hard iPads?
    BARKER: Soft eye pads
    CORBETT; <double checking> Two or three!
    BARKER;   <looks down quickly quizzically>  Two.
    CORBETT <muttering, as he goes down the shop>: Eye pads. See any eye pads? (He sees a box , and picks it up) Tidy up in ‘ere.
    (He puts the box down on the counter, and empties it aggressively)
    BARKER: (picks them up, and looks at them, puts them back on the counter). Bit small.
    CORBETT; Bit small, bit small, what do you men a bit small!
    BARKER: Soft high pads fer me knees! For when I’m gardening!
    CORBETT <almost at breaking point>: You are ‘avin’ me on, you are definitely ‘avin’ me on!
    BARKER <not taking much notice of Corbett’s mood>: I’m not!
    CORBETT:  (He takes back the eye pads , and gets a pair of high gardening knee pads, and places them on the counter) Go on give it your best shot!
    BARKER: Washers!
    CORBETT <really close to breaking point>: What? Dishwashers, floor washers, car washers, windscreen washers, back scrubbers, lavatory cleaners? Floor washers?
    BARKER: ‘Alf inch washers!
    CORBETT: Oh, tap washers, tap washers? <He finally breaks, and makes to confiscate his list> Look, I’ve had just about enough of this, give us that list. <He mutters> I’ll get it all myself! (Reading through the list)  What’s this? What’s that? Oh that does it! That just about does it! I have just about had it! <calling through to the back> Mr. Jones! You come out and serve this customer please, I have just about had enough of ‘im. He wants to buy a gilt yielding more than three percent!

    Looking at the gilt market on an absolute yield basis, 3% is a crucial level. The question is, which way will gilt yields go? As fund managers we also think in relative terms when we ask ourselves a question like this. Looking at gilts versus other large high quality government bond issuers like the US and Germany, gilts look expensive.

    They are also historically expensive versus current inflation and equity valuations. Therefore from a fundamental basis gilts look relatively dear which will satisfy the bears, while the bulls will point to further quantitative easing as the one reason why gilts can continue to rally from here.

  • The hot money has flown south to Australia for the winter, but will it fly back in the summer?

    Topics
    AAA rated, interest rates

    Posted January 17th, 2012

    On Friday we had a Dumb and Dumber moment in the office when a colleague for a few seconds thought that Australia had lost its AAA rating.   The error was quickly realised (it was Austria that was downgraded) and Australia kept its AAA rating across the board that it has had with Moody’s and S&P since 2002 and 2003 respectively (although Fitch only upgraded Australia’s foreign currency rating to AAA in November 2011).

    There were however some disturbing figures that came out of Australia on Friday – foreign investors bought a record AUD$23.9bn (=US$23.9bn) of Australian government bonds in Q3 2011, resulting in foreign ownership soaring to 80.4%, which is also a record.  Judging by the price action on Aussie bonds and the Aussie Dollar in Q4, foreign ownership is likely to have jumped further in Q4.  For us, this is worrying as heavy foreign ownership of government bonds can be very dangerous, particularly when this is combined with a country running a current account deficit (i.e. the country is reliant on capital inflows from abroad).  Ireland and Portugal, which saw similar levels of foreign ownership before the crisis hit, are great (or poor?) examples of how this combination can leave a country’s exchange rate and solvency very exposed if the country hits a crisis.

    Of course, Australia does have some big advantages over the Ireland of 2006. Australia has the ability to print its own currency and set its own interest rates (just ask the Irish how much they would like this power right now). Secondly, despite the massive expansion in credit and house prices that Australia has experienced over the last two decades, Ireland’s was comparatively greater. The run up in Australian house prices since 1990 is reflective of a massive increase in household debt (fuelled by the Aussie banks) and is not the product of more fundamental factors such as population changes or rental income equivalents. Additionally, there is likely to have been a change in demand, as years of rising prices that have made the Australian housing market one of the most expensive markets in the world on price-to-income and price-to-rent ratios (as The Economist pointed out last November) have probably changed household formation dynamics.

    Australia’s current account deficit is currently only 1.5% of GDP which is far from alarming. However, on a cumulative basis, Australia has averaged a deficit of 4.8% since the beginning of 2003 which should have investors’ alarm bells ringing.  The credit bubble in Australia (credit bubbles usually accompany large credit account deficits) has never really popped (we wrote about Aussie housing market here). The end of a bubble is always difficult to predict and identifying the trigger for such an unwind is similarly fraught with difficulty. Given that markets are extremely sensitive to the potential for asset price bubbles bursting and with the effects of such events still in mind, the Australian housing data are key to AUD maintaining its lofty levels.  Something else that is worrisome is that the Australian banking sector dwarfs the size of Australia’s economy at 3.5 times nominal GDP (Ireland’s banking sector was 4.4 times GDP in 2008).  The key challenge facing the Australian banking sector is its exposure to the housing market, with about two thirds of assets on the banks books consisting of housing loans.

    The following chart shows the AUD/USD currency rate versus foreign ownership of Australian government bonds going back to 1989.  It appears that there is a positive correlation which makes a lot of sense – obviously if foreigners are buying government bonds in large size then the currency should strengthen.  In fact, we think this is precisely why the British Pound has been surprisingly strong over the last six to nine months as the UK government is one of the few AAA sovereigns still standing and has been the beneficiary of a huge safe haven bid.  Of course, if this safe haven status gets called into question, which could easily happen in both Australia and the UK, then capital outflows would leave their respective currencies extremely vulnerable.  On this front the UK’s current account deficit of 4% of GDP recorded in Q3 2011 wasn’t exactly encouraging – since 1955, it has only been worse in Q2 1974 (which preceded sterling’s 1975-76 collapse and IMF bailout) and from Q4 1988 to Q2 1990 (which was a symptom of the UK’s housing bubble and preceded the pound’s sharp fall after it was booted out of ERM in 1992)

    The obvious catalyst for the popping of the great Aussie bubble is China, as that’s essentially all that matters if you’re taking a view on Australia’s economy. Almost 70% of Western Australian and Queensland mining exports go to China.  If China has a hard landing then Australia is in serious trouble, and even if it has a soft landing then Australia may be in trouble anyway. If China wobbles or the Australian housing market starts to correct, the RBA would be forced to cut interest rates as it did late last year, reducing the Aussie Dollar’s appeal as a higher yielding currency. The Aussie Dollar is only just over 3% below its strongest ever on a trade weighted basis, and we think that leaves it looking very vulnerable. With the market pricing in a reduction in the RBA cash rate of 1% to 3.25% by August, will the hot money fly away from Australia in the summer?

  • Für einen deutlich schwächeren Euro müssten die Renditen auf deutsche Staatsanleihen sehr weit in negatives Terrain fallen. Das könnte leicht passieren.

    Topics
    Europe, government bonds

    Posted January 16th, 2012

    This post was originally published on 11.01.12 in English and has been translated for our German readers.

    2011 hat der Euro gegenüber dem US-Dollar 3,2% verloren. Nach allem, was 2011 in Europa passiert ist, sind viele überrascht, dass der Euro nicht schwächer abgeschnitten hat. Zahlreiche Kommentatoren rechnen für 2012 mit einer deutlichen Schwächung des Euro.

    Wie es bei Wechselkursen meistens der Fall ist, lässt sich die Entwicklung des Euro gegenüber dem US-Dollar größtenteils mit der Veränderung der Erwartungen für die kurzlaufenden Zinssätze erklären, die an den relativen Renditedifferenzen zwischen den kurzlaufenden Anleihen der verschiedenen Währungsräume abzulesen sind. Die Stärke des Euro gegenüber dem US-Dollar in der ersten Jahreshälfte war auf die unterschiedlichen geldpolitischen Strategien der Fed und der EZB zurückzuführen. Die Fed blieb bei ihrer Aussage, dass sie für einen längeren Zeitraum einen außergewöhnlich niedrigen Leitzins beibehalten würde (und ging im August sogar noch einen Schritt weiter, als sie erklärte, dass „die Wirtschaftslage wahrscheinlich bis mindestens Mitte 2013 ein außergewöhnlich niedriges Leitzinsniveau rechtfertigen wird“). Die EZB dagegen hob im April und im Juli letzten Jahres munter die Leitzinsen an, obwohl der ganze Markt diesen Schritt als unsinnig verurteilte. Wie zu erwarten (siehe hier), begannen die Märkte kurz nach der zweiten Zinserhöhung vorwegzunehmen, dass die EZB gezwungen sein würde, ihre Zinsschritte wieder rückgängig zu machen (was sie dann auch im November und Dezember tat). Der Euro schwächte sich im restlichen Jahresverlauf ab.

    Die obere Grafik zeigt die Renditen auf deutsche und US-Staatsanleihen mit Fälligkeit Oktober 2013. Das untere Diagramm zeigt die Entwicklung der Renditedifferenz zwischen deutschen und US-Anleihen im Vergleich mit dem EUR/USD-Wechselkurs. Die Korrelation ist – wie erwartet – recht stark ausgeprägt. Allerdings befindet sich der Euro jetzt auf einem 15-Monats-Tief gegenüber dem US-Dollar, und dieser Abwärtstrend kann nur anhalten, wenn eine der folgenden drei Entwicklungen eintritt:

    1. Die Fed müsste ihre Meinung drastisch ändern und die Leitzinsen vor Mitte 2013 anheben, was eher unwahrscheinlich ist.

    2. Die normale Korrelation zwischen dem EUR/USD-Wechselkurs und den kurzlaufenden Anleiherenditen müsste komplett zusammenbrechen. Das ist durchaus möglich.

    3. Die Renditen auf deutsche Staatsanleihen müssten sehr negativ werden.

    Was den dritten Punkt anbelangt, so ist es Deutschland tatsächlich erstmals gelungen, Anleihen mit 6-monatiger Laufzeit mit negativer Rendite zu begeben (siehe hier). Wenn man sich allerdings das untere Diagramm ansieht, muss man davon ausgehen, dass für einen Rückgang des EUR/USD-Wechselkurses auf 1,15 die Renditen für kurzlaufende deutsche Staatsanleihen bis zu 90 Basispunkte unter die Renditen für kurzlaufende US-Staatsanleihen fallen müssten. Zweijährige US-Staatsanleihen rentieren gegenwärtig mit +0,24%, die Renditen für die deutschen Titel müssten also unter -50 Basispunkte fallen. Die Folge wäre eine interessante Konstellation, bei der Anleger in zweijährigen deutschen Staatsanleihenfutures („Schatz“) short gehen, den Kontrakt nicht rollen und bei Fälligkeit Geld geschenkt bekommen können (wenn sie die Volatilität verkraften können).

    Könnten die Renditen auf deutsche Staatsanleihen sehr weit ins Negative rutschen? Wenn die Anleger zunehmend die weitere Existenz des Euro in Frage stellen, sind negative Renditen auf deutsche Staatsanleihen eine durchaus rationale Folge. Diverse Analysten haben versucht zu ermitteln, wie neue D-Mark, Francs, Lire, Peseten oder Drachmen gegenüber dem Euro notieren würden, und jeder scheint damit zu rechnen, dass die neue D-Mark gegenüber dem aktuellen Niveau des Euro zulegen würde. Die Spanne der Erwartungen ist allerdings recht breit gefächert: Einige Analysten nehmen eine Aufwertung von 5% an, andere bis zu 40% (ich selbst bin, nebenbei bemerkt, nicht überzeugt, dass eine neue D-Mark höher notieren würde als das aktuelle Kursniveau des Euro, wenn man bedenkt, welchen Schaden ein Zusammenbruch des Euro im deutschen Bankensektor anrichten würde). Natürlich ist das alles reine Spekulation; es lässt sich aber kaum abstreiten, dass eine neue D-Mark viel stärker wäre als beispielsweise ein neuer französischer Franc und insbesondere eine neue spanische Pesete, italienische Lira oder griechische Drachme.

    Zunehmend negative Renditen auf deutsche Staatsanleihen und wachsende Renditeabstände zwischen Deutschland und anderen Ländern wären also eine rationale Reaktion auf die steigende Wahrscheinlichkeit, dass die Eurozone auseinanderbricht und die deutschen Staatsanleihen in eine neue D-Mark redenominiert werden. Die Redenominierung in eine neue D-Mark könnte dem Inhaber einer kurzlaufenden deutschen Staatsanleihe mit einer Rendite von -0,5% einen Wertzuwachs von vielleicht 40% einbringen, oder vielleicht sogar einen Wertzuwachs von 90%, wenn der Anleger in Griechenland wohnt. Die negativen Renditen auf deutsche Staatsanleihen könnten sehr leicht noch negativer werden, wenn das Risiko eines Auseinanderbrechens der Eurozone zunimmt, was zu den hier erörterten Problemen führen würde. Der Euro könnte also noch deutlich schwächer werden.

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